Spooner shirts?

(Click if you don't know who that is.)

(Click to see a close-up of the image.)
A Lysanta shirt will have to wait for next year.
individualism for the masses!


Personally, I'm happy to use the terms Left and Right to refer to the egalitarian and anti-egalitarian branches of the dominant political thinking of our time: social democracy. To me, libertarianism is neither left nor right.


Thanks to Tim Swanson for pointing me to Marginal Revolution.Constitutional Torture
Liberals are claiming that President Bush has violated constitutional restrictions on torture and spying on Americans. Don't they understand that the constitution is a living document that must be reinterpreted in light of new events and understandings? An originalist reading of the constitution would throw us back into the primitive past when the minimum wage was unconstitutional. Fortunately, conservatives know that constitutional interpretation must change with the times and never more so than now. We live in a different world. The Founding Fathers may have been great in their time but they did not face the problems that we face today and we should not be bound by their 18th century ideas of liberty and executive tyranny.
Posted by Alex Tabarrok on December 28, 2005 at 07:12 AM in Law | Permalink



Is Intellectual Property Law more powerful than The World's Mightiest Mortal?Captain Marvel was the most popular superhero of the 1940s, with his Captain Marvel Adventures series selling more copies than Superman and other competing superhero books. He was also the first superhero to be adapted into film in 1941 (The Adventures of Captain Marvel). Because of a decline in the popularity of superheroes and a copyright infringement suit from DC Comics alleging similarities between Captain Marvel and Superman, Fawcett ceased publishing Captain Marvel and Marvel Family comics in 1953. They later licensed the Marvel Family characters to DC in 1972 and ceded the rights to them outright in 1980. Captain Marvel and the Marvel Family have been integrated into the "DC Universe", and DC has attempted a few revivals. However, Captain Marvel has not found widespread appeal with new generations, although a 1970s Shazam! live action television series featuring the character was very popular. Due to the fact that Marvel Comics trademarked their Captain Marvel comic book during the interim between the original Captain Marvel's Fawcett years and DC years, DC Comics has to promote and market their Captain Marvel/Marvel Family properties under the title Shazam!.If Superman needs lawyers to fight his battles for him ... well that's not very super, is it?
Liberalism is no religion, no world view, no party of special interests. It is no religion because it demands neither faith nor devotion, because there is nothing mystical about it, and because it has no dogmas. It is no world view because it does not try to explain the cosmos and because it says nothing and does not seek to say anything about the meaning and purpose of human existence. It is no party of special interests because it does not provide or seek to provide any special advantage whatsoever to any individual or any group. It is something entirely different. It is an ideology, a doctrine of the mutual relationship among the members of society and, at the same time, the application of this doctrine to the conduct of men in actual society. It promises nothing that exceeds what can be accomplished in society and through society. It seeks to give men only one thing, the peaceful, undisturbed development of material well-being for all, in order thereby to shield them from the external causes of pain and suffering as far as it lies within the power of social institutions to do so at all. To diminish suffering, to increase happiness: that is its aim.
Ludwig von Mises, Liberalism

The enemies of liberalism have branded it as the party of the special interests of the capitalists. This is characteristic of their mentality. They simply cannot understand a political ideology as anything but the advocacy of certain special privileges opposed to the general welfare.
Ludwig von Mises, Liberalism
And here's my whole list of them.
If you have Sprachgefuhl, you have an ear for idiomatically appropriate language. The best illustration of Sprachgefuhl, or the lack of it, was an 1855 Portuguese-English phrase book intended to help Portuguese speakers master the English language.I love this word. It is vaguely autological and yet vaguely heterological at the same time. Germans have wonderful words, but the people themselves are not known for their Sprachgefuhl in English, g'bless'em.
Titled "English As She Is Spoke", it was authored by one Pedro Carolino. The only problem was that Pedro didn't know any English. On the plus side, he did have a Portuguese-French phrase book. Pedro simply picked up a French-English dictionary and tried the circuitous route: Portuguese to French to English. The result was such gems as:
Names for body parts:
"Of the Man: The inferior lip; The superior lip; The fat of the leg."
Food:
"Eatings: Some black pudding; A little mine; Hog fat; Some wigs; Vegetables boiled to a pap."
Swimming instructions:
"For to swim: I row upon the belly on the back and between two waters."
Idioms:
"Idiotism: Cat scalded fear the cold water."
This book was even used as a textbook in the Portuguese colony of Macao. I regret to say they eventually stopped using it. Imagine, in just a few years, we could have witnessed a lovely new strain of the English language take root.
Pedro was simply ahead of his time. Today anyone can achieve the same results with computer translation: http://google.com/language_tools

Re this post by Jeffrey Tucker at blog.Mises.org:Introduction to Lift Her Up, Tenderly
This is a textbook. It is designed to serve as the scaffolding around which a course in basic economics can be provided for students. Educators may possibly view it as a novel. Certainly, it is novel to discover a text about economics which contains human drama and emotion. The text is interesting. That contradicts all prior theories about economics.
Ever since Carlyle thundered his melancholy maledictions against the "gloomy science," scholars have reacted as though Carlyle were right. I think he was wrong. Without realizing it, Carlyle was probably reacting against the way economics is usually taught. If so, I can readily understand his pessimism and find myself equally uninspired.
All economic ideas are basically simple. That, in itself, may provide part of the difficulty economists have concerning the teaching of those ideas. After all, an economist is a human being and wishes to be respected and admired. How much respect and admiration will he engender if it is discovered that the course he teaches is so fundamentally simple that even children will readily understand it? Few persons holding doctoral degrees could attract the awe of the uninformed by interpreting Mother Goose.
In more than twenty years of studying and teaching economics, I have usually found that economic ideas which are really little more than common sense have been cloaked in such profundity that the discipline appears to be esoteric, abstruse, and far too difficult for the average adult to fully comprehend. However, if one will persist in probing the pedants who have constructed the most obtuse and convoluted definitions, one emerges finally with the realization that economics is something which could be taught in grade and high schools, while the student is quite young.
Let me provide an example. One economist has been receiving public recognition for his discovery of "demonstrated preference." Doesn't that sound impressive? What does it mean? It means that people often tell you something but act in a contrary manner. The point is that "actions speak louder than words," the old adage that anybody can understand. But who, without an interpreter, will immediately grasp that the ponderous, obfuscatory statement which sets forth the principle of "demonstration of preferences" means the same thing?
Then we have the earth-shaking theory of "marginal utility." This is such an important discovery that when it was first introduced, it virtually revolutionized the classic approach to economics. What it means is that people tend to favor those useful things which are most difficult to get. That could be summed up as "Easy come, easy go" plus "Hard to come by, bitter to lose." I did that last one myself because adages are fairly easy to construct and anyone can readily grasp the meaning.
In the United States, for many years emphasis has been placed on the physical sciences, technologies of various sorts, and supportive disciplines. The humanities and social studies have been either downgraded or construed into a kind of political format which virtually demands that the growing child submit all his problems to democratic decision-making. Before the youngster graduates from the grades, he has come to believe that he can get anything he wants if only he is popular enough and has a following. The verities of life are replaced by the processes of balloting. The values that make life worth living are shunted aside in favor of arrogant or submissive assurance that the numbers game governs all.
The formal teaching of economics has, unfortunately, tended to pursue this same direction. I am not seeking to downgrade or decry the importance of mathematical data nor the obvious usefulness of mathematical probabilities. What I am seeking to emphasize is that human values and common sense must take precedence. The basics ought to be taught to young people. And they should be taught in the home and in the early years in school. After such a foundation is laid, there's time enough for the computer.Lift Her Up, Tenderly is pure fiction. A man in his fifties is the guardian of a twelve-year-old girl. The situations and dialogue are entirely imaginary. But the laws of economics (common sense) are suggested by the guardian and applied by the young lady in her efforts to deal with real life situations. I was influenced in preparing this text by my own experience in which I acted as an unofficial guardian for a young lady. Yes, there is a real Virginia.
My hope is that teachers will make use of this simple approach to economics and offer it as a course of study to young people in high school, or even in the grades.
Even more importantly, I hope that in its pages parents will rediscover the exciting and rewarding task of teaching their own children. Love alone is not enough. Physical maintenance, paying the bills, playing together -- none of these is enough. Learning the meaning and common sense of living is a life-long challenge for parents and children alike.
To the young people who may read these pages, I would urge patience. Your parents really do love you. They may or may not be technically skilled, they may or may not be rich, or famous, or applauded, but the living of life contains great values that can never be found by measuring and computing, by tallying votes, or by popularity contests. And you have many things to teach them, too. The learning process is always mutual.Bob LeFevre
California, 1976
... as an economist of the Austrian school, I would be remiss if I did not mention that far superior work on regional Chinese delicacies by one who was himself a master of epistemology - Hunan Action by Ludwig von Mises, whose great disciple, Murray Rothbard, refined his mentor's culinary-praxeologic insights from a vantage which diverged from the former in national cuisine and epistemology alike, in a work beloved of Brooklyn restaurateurs, the magisterial Manicotti and Steak, whose neo-Thomist epistemology found as much favor with local Jesuits as its Neapolitan pasta-and-beef offerings sated the appetites of two generations of libertarian mobsters.And here are the obligatory bookstore links for anyone who doesn't get the puns:

What makes a Mises.org daily article a "Best of 2005" contender?I don't know what criteria others will use, but for me, a "best article" should teach something foundational and important to a new reader. It should appeal to a neophyte, and it should probably correct a misconception -- since so much of people's implicit economic understanding is based in misconceptions. I want the reader to come away thinking That's so obvious, now! about a claim that first seemed counterintuitive. Based on these criteria, I'd pick Trask's Ten Recurring Fallacies. (Let me know what you think.)

December 14, 2005
Best of 2005
B.K. MarcusIt's that time again. Time to select the best articles of 2005.
I thought I'd get to ball rolling by nominating 20 contenders for a Top 10 list of best Daily Articles appearing this year on Mises.org.
(Someone else ought to jump in and start nominating best journal articles.)
So here are my 20 candidates, presented in chronological order:
One of the things that's interesting about having been a television child in the 1970s is that my worldview was shaped by a series of unexplained present-tense crises and a vision of the recent past that looked so much warmer and more welcoming. The 1950s looked like Happy Days. The early 1960s looked like JFK and all the TV shows that bragged about being IN COLOR. Only in the 1970s did TV start to look dark and gritty, like the world outside.
Here's one:
In my case, it wasn't the falling quality of the candy I noticed, but the ever-crummier toy surprise in a box of Cracker Jack. Grownups would tell me about the whistles and decoder rings their childhood boxes of Cracker Jack had contained. Meanwhile, I watched plastic toys become cardboard-and-plastic toys become pure cardboard crapola.
I guess that leaves us free marketeers leading a lonely cheer for average-looking flight attendants.
... and it looks 50 years old.
Here's The Quaker Economist on the PBS television show, The Commanding Heights.Subject: Re: Hanson
Date: December 6, 2005 1:01:51 PM ESTwhat's you're read on where's he's coming from?Well, yes and no. The left/right labels are limiting obviously. You can't accurately use a single dimension to designate multiple issues. I tend to equate anti-market and anti-economic ranting with the Left, but then people like Pat Buchanan are clearly on the Right, and he's no friend of either markets or economics. Rothbard wrote quite a bit on conservative anti-market sentiment.
Do you see him as part of what you regard as "left"?
I had my own reservations about the Commanding Heights series, as you know. The leftists and libertarians sound the same sometimes in our attacks against neo-liberalism, but they're angry at the liberalism (and I can't even tell if they understand the meaning of the "neo" prefix) whereas we are angry that the neos are sullying both liberalism (which the Left already did, of course) and now markets as well.
But I'm grateful in a sense for the term neo-liberalism. Leftist morons may not follow the importance of the prefix, but at least they're not leaving it off entirely. Marx may have popularized the term 'capitalism' but as I've said elsewhere, he at least started by defining it in a way that its supporters would agree with: free markets, free trade, private ownership of the means of production -- laissez faire. But then Marx and the Marxists go on to conflate laissez faire with political privilege, making it next to impossible to discuss laissez faire capitalism with anyone coming from the Left.
The difference between classical liberalism and neo-liberalism is exactly the same. The original was about less government. The newcomer is about more. At least we've moved past using one word to designate both meanings.
Anyway, I subjected myself to a few of Hanson's rants a few years ago. I found nothing valuable in them. He doesn't know economics and he doesn't know history. He is all noise. I don't need to taste the whole worm to know what it is.
laissez faire,
bkmarcus
www.bkmarcus.com

Cross-posted to blog.Mises.org: � Currency Manipulation in China And Japan | Main
December 05, 2005
Ludwig's Mother Remembers
B.K. MarcusWhile looking up the names of some of Mises's relatives, I came upon this piece of personal history at JewishGen� ShtetLinks:
Adele Mises Remembers . . .
A Day in the House of My Parents
(Mrs. Adele Mises dictated her reminiscences to a relative around 1929. Born in 1858, she was a granddaughter of Moses Kallir, grandniece of Mayer Kallir, prominent citizens of Brody, a city then in Austrian Galicia, now in Ukraine.)
I especially enjoyed Adele's description of the "potato raffle."
Posted by B.K. Marcus at December 5, 2005 12:30 PM
Rothbard on Friedman&co.:This is one of the problems with Friedmanites -- they have no political theory of the nature of the state. They think of the state, and this is true of Milton and the whole gang as far as I can see, as another social instrument. In other words, there is the market out here and then there is the state, which is another friendly neighborhood organization. You decide on which thing, which activity, should be private and which should be state on the basis of an ad hoc, utilitarian kind of approach. "Well, let's see, we'll feed the thing through the computer. We find that the market usually wins out, that the market is usually better." So, most of the time they come out in favor of the market on things like price control or government regulations, but they really think of the state as just another social instrument. And so when they come out in favor of the state, they go all out. In other words, there is no limitation. Well, they say, the state will do this. The state will run the educational system or whatever the cop out happens to be. So, they feed the thing in -- we'll have controls for a while and then they will die out -- it's not very important anyway. You see, they really think they can put through Friedmanism, let's say, just by educating Nixon. The sort of thing I said before jocularly, about Nixon reading Atlas Shrugged and being converted.That is really the sort of theory of social change the Friedmanites have. You see the President once in a while, you talk to him and you convince him that there shouldn't be price controls, the ICC should be eliminated, or whatever -- and then he goes ahead and does it. But it just doesn't work that way. They have no realization that the state is essentially a gang of thieves and looters. That they are exploiting the public, that they have a whole bureaucratic apparatus of exploitation, and that they are not just going to give it up. In other words, there is the whole problem of power involved which the Friedmanites refuse to face. They don't realize that the state is not a social instrument. It's an inimical organization which is hostile to society, plundering it, which has to be confined, whittled away, reduced and hopefully ultimately abolished. They have no conception of that at all. They just think of it as another friendly, corner grocer kind of thing which you either use or don't use.
Rothbard on splits and alliances:NEW BANNER: At the outset, your newsletter, Libertarian Forum, was co-edited by Karl Hess. He has since departed. What ideological differences Led to this split?
ROTHBARD: [...] The concrete split came when I made a very tangential attack on the Black Panthers. [...] But more deep than that is the fact that Karl after having been an anarcho-capitalist for some time shifted over to become an anarcho-communist or anarcho-syndicalist. I don't really see any basis for collaboration between the two groups, because even if we are both against the existing state, they would very quickly come up with another state. I don't think you can be an anarcho-communist or an anarcho-syndicalist. You know if the commune runs everything, and decides for everything, whether it is a neighborhood commune or a mass country commune -- it really does not matter in this case, somebody's got to make the communal decision. You can't tell me that you'll have participatory democracy and that everybody is going to equally participate. There is obviously going to be a small group, the officiating board or the statistical administrative board or whatever they want to call it, whatever it's going to be, it's going to be the same damn group making decisions for everybody. In other words, it's going to be a coercive decision for the collective property. It will be another state again, as far as I can see. So I really can't see any basis for collaboration. That is really part of a broader analysis of the communist versus the individualist position.
You see, I was one of the people who originated the idea of an alliance with the New Left. But I didn't think of it in these terms. I didn't think of an alliance with the New Left as living in communes with the Black Panthers. I thought of it as participating with the New Left in anti-draft actions or in opposition to the war. I conceived of a political rather than an ideological alliance. While we are both against the draft, let's have joint rallies to attack it, or something like that. This is a completely different sort of thing.
This incidentally has been a problem with libertarians for a long time. Both in the old days when they were always allied with the right-wing and now when they tend to be allied with the left. You start allying yourself with a group and pretty soon you find yourself as one of the group. In other words, the alliance slips away. Start with the idea that we are going to work with either conservatives or radicals for specific goals and somehow they start spending all their time with these people and they wind up as either conservatives or radicals. The libertarian goal drops away and the means become the ends. This is a very difficult problem because you don't want to be sectarian and have nothing to do with anybody. Then you're never going to succeed at all. I think that one of the answers to it is to have a libertarian group which is strong enough to keep reinforcing the libertarianism of our members.
[...]NEW BANNER: Do you see any wisdom in anarcho-capitalists allying with today's New Left?
ROTHBARD: There is no New Left now. The New Left is really finished -- there isn't any such animal anymore. One of the reasons that I liked the New Left in the old days, in the middle-60's, was that there were a lot of libertarian elements in the New Left. Not only was there opposition to the war and the draft, but also opposition to bureaucracy, central government and so forth. But all that seems to have dropped out. There is really nothing going on in the New Left now at all.
NEW BANNER: Why do you think the New Left has never strongly supported the anti-draft movement? They seemed to have been more anti-war , but not concerned with anti-draft.
ROTHBARD: They were against the draft, but as you say, they didn't really have their heart in it. They really weren't against the draft. They are in favor of the People's Republic draft, when the People's Republic gets established. I remember when Castro first got in power in 1959. A lot of the more sincere Castro followers said that one of the great things about Castro was that he had abolished the draft. Of course, he had, but a couple years later it was back. So you see, they're against a draft by a reactionary government, but not by a people's government. Ha, ha.
Today's LRC borrows a couple of its articles from elsewhere -- "The Economics of Jimmy Carter" (sennholz.com / lrc) and "Exclusive Interview With Murray Rothbard" (mises.org / lrc).
Richard Nixon, on the other hand (whose fascist economics Rothbard addresses in the interview) had a bunch of Chicago School advisors, including Milton Friedman, telling him not to do what he then did. I'll post a little later on what Rothbard has to say on the Friedmanites, but one thing is clear: they know the perils of microeconomic centralization, price controls, minimum wage laws, etc.
Left Behind series, which her subtitle describes as "the bestselling series of paranoid, pro-Israel end-time thrillers," adding that it "may sound kooky, but America's right-wing leaders really believe this stuff."
The Rapture and End Times weren't part of either my Episcopal or Quaker schooling. The first I'd heard of any of it was in Heinlein's great novel, Job: A Comedy of Justice. Heinlein's theological science fiction is literalist only in the perverse and imaginative sense. Left Behind is literalist in the earnest, pressing sense. It reminded me of the televangelists I used to watch as a child (to my mother's alternating horror and bemusement).
I had a coffee date with the woman who had lent me her magazines. I returned them to her in the brown paper in which she'd originally given them to me. She started to take them out and ask me what I thought. My face began to burn and I asked her to put them back in the bag. "It's not polite to read pornography in public," I said.
So we chatted about other stuff. Then her girlfriend came into the cafe. My friend was the femme and her girlfriend was definitely the butch. Butch came in with her leather jacket, big black boots, buzz-cut hair. Stepped up onto our table and walked over it to sit on the windowsill. The windowsill where the brown paper bag currently sat.
- November [archive]
How many dimes would you need to equal the weight of 4 quarters?
Like the dime and the quarter, the Kennedy half-dollar is "reeded" (has milled edges) and has the same metallic distribution: "8.33% Nickel, Balance Copper". It weighs 11.34 grams, so 2 half-dollars weigh the same amount as 4 quarters or 10 dimes.Notice how they imply that the silver content ofWhy is the one-cent coin (the penny) larger than the ten-cent coin (the dime)? What determines the sizes of our coins?
The sizes of United States coins can help you to identify each one, but have nothing to do with their value. [emphasis added throughout by bk] The first U.S. five-cent coins (nickels) were made of silver, and were smaller than the ten-cent coins (dimes) in circulation today. You may be interested to know that our coinage system, to a certain extent, has grown out of custom or, in other words, out of daily use. When United States coins were first produced in 1793, our standard coin was the silver dollar. The United States Mint produced the rest of our coins (except the one-cent coin) in a proportionate metallic content to the dollar, with the sizes regulated accordingly. The half-dime (or five-cent denomination) had 1/20th the amount of silver contained in the dollar. Our 10-cent coin contained 1/10th the amount of silver, the quarter-dollar coin (the quarter) contained 1/4th the amount, and the half-dollar coin contained 1/2 the amount. Mint officials recognized the need for a larger five-cent coin because the half-dime was exactly half the size of the dime. This proved to be too small for convenient handling by the public. Adoption of the five-cent coin as we know it today occurred in 1866. The Mint increased the coin's size and changed its metallic content from silver and copper to a combination of copper and nickel.
US minted coins was somehow a decision of the US mint, rather than a requirement for the coins to be treated as money. Notice how they label this requirement "custom". Notice how they call "The first U.S. five-cent coins" nickels. Why would a 5-cent coin have been called a "nickel" before it was made out of nickel? Isn't it more likely that the people themselves later called the new smooth-edged 5-cent token a nickel to distinguish it from the real silver coin it replaced?